Der deutsche
Außenminister Joschka Fischer
vertritt die Auffassung, dass die deutsche Regierung den
Beitritt der Türkei voll unterstützen werde, sobald
die Türkei die politischen Kriterien von Kopenhagen
erfülle. Laut diesem Artikel, der ursprünglich von
der
Turkish Policy Quarterly
veröffentlicht wurde, zögen die Türkei und die
EU bereits Vorteile aus der EU-Beitrittsperspektive der
Türkei. Der Autor führt drei Gründe dafür
an, dass es im Interesse der EU-Mitgliedstaaten, und
insbesondere Deutschlands, sei, den Beitrittsprozess
fortzusetzen: Erstens wirke die Perspektive einer
EU-Mitgliedschaft als Katalysator für umfassende
Verfassungs- und Rechtsreformen in der Türkei, von
denen viele bereits in kürzester Zeit durchgeführt
worden seien. Zweitens sei die Türkei für die
EU-Sicherheit angesichts des Paradigmenwechsels in der
Weltpolitik von strategischer Bedeutung. Drittens sei die
Türkei bereits ein wichtiger Wirtschaftspartner
Deutschlands sowie anderer Mitgliedstaaten und werde mit
Aufnahme der Beitrittsverhandlungen eine zunehmend wichtigere
Rolle spielen. Der Autor führt diese Argumente aus und
kommt zu dem Schluss, dass die Erfüllung der Reformziele
auf türkischer Seite mit der Erfüllung der
Versprechen der EU begegnet werden sollte.
On 1 May 2004, the European
Union embraced ten new member states. The
arrival of the newcomers increased the number
of members from 15 to 25, with a total
population of over 450 million. The 2004
enlargement was the largest and most ambitious
in the history of the European Union and
involved many years of preparation by the EU
and the new member states. In preparing for
accession, the new member states undertook
enormous reform efforts. Their accession was
the realization of our shared hope that the
successful EU model, underpinned by the values
of democracy, the rule of law, the protection
of human rights and minorities, could be
transferred to the countries of Central and
Eastern Europe, thus ensuring lasting peace,
freedom, security and political
stability.
Important decisions on
Turkey will be taken by the EU in December 2004
with far-reaching implications for both sides,
when the European Council will, on the basis of
a report and recommendation from the EU
Commission, decide whether to open accession
negotiations with Turkey. If the European
Council decides in favour, negotiations should
start immediately.
The process of bringing
Turkey closer to the European Union has been
mapped out in political terms for a long time.
Starting with the 1963 Association Agreement
between the EEC and Turkey, followed by the
establishment of a Customs Union, the landmark
decisions of the 1997 European Council
confirming „Turkey’s eligibility for
accession to the European Union“ to 1999
when Turkey was granted candidate status,
Turkey, with the support of consecutive German
Governments, has been brought ever closer to
the European Union. In December 2002, the
Copenhagen European Council provided a clear
political roadmap: „If the European
Council in December 2004, on the basis of a
report and a recommendation from the
Commission, decides that Turkey fulfils the
Copenhagen political criteria, the European
Union will open accession negotiations with
Turkey without delay.“
The German Government has
time and again expressed its unrelenting
support for accession negotiations if Turkey
meets the Copenhagen political criteria. Our
optimism regarding the European
Commission’s next progress report is based
on the continuing efforts of the Turkish
Government to comply with the political
criteria.
The ties between Germany and
Turkey, whether historical, economic, social,
interpersonal or political, are exceptionally
close. There are now approximately 2.5 million
people of Turkish descent living in Germany of
whom some 600,000 have German citizenship.
Turkish citizens are by far the largest group
of foreigners in Germany. Of course Turks in
Germany and Germans of Turkish descent are a
key factor in bilateral relations impacting
both directions. Entrepreneurs like Kemal ^ahin
and Vural Öger, writers like Emine S.
Özdamar, Zafer ^enocak and Feridun
Zaimolu, directors like Ay_e Polat and Fatih
Ak1n with his prize-winning and extremely
popular film “Head On” (
Gegen die Wand
) are making a decisive contribution to
Germany’s cultural wealth and economic
well-being. No other EU member state has a
Turkish community of a comparable size and
visibility with integration being a key issue.
I am not alone in thinking that this is one of
the main reasons why the debate about
Turkey’s accession is more intensive and
complex in Germany than in most other EU member
states. Not all participants in this very vocal
debate seem to realize that Turkey’s
accession is not imminent. Should negotiations
commence, the road to accession will be long
and laborious, requiring a process of
comprehensive modernization throughout Turkey.
As I have said in the past, Turkey’s EU
compatibility is put to the test in Diyarbak1r
and Erzurum, not in 0zmir and Istanbul. The
Turkey which one day accedes will certainly be
a different country than it is today. It is in
the midst of radical political, social and
economic change and needs to continue along
this path.
We, however, are firmly
convinced that both Turkey and the EU are
already reaping the benefits of Turkey’s
EU perspective. There are three reasons why we
believe it to be in the political interest of
the EU member states, especially Germany, to
continue this process: Firstly, because
prospective membership has acted as a catalyst,
causing Turkey to embark upon far-reaching
constitutional and legislative reforms in a
very short period. Secondly, because Turkey is
of strategic importance to Europe’s
security given the paradigm shift in world
politics. Thirdly, because Turkey is already an
important economic partner for Germany and
other member states and will even gain in
importance once accession negotiations have
begun.
Prospective EU Membership: an Engine
for Turkey’s Reform
Policy
The German Government and
other member states welcome the fact that the
prospect of accession to the European Union has
greatly fostered the Turkish Government’s
determination to carry out reforms and
strengthened the forces of reform in both state
and society. It has enhanced the Turkish
Government’s political lever meaning it
can stress the necessity of continued reform
and swift implementation with a view to meeting
the Copenhagen political criteria. EU accession
as a political project enjoys overwhelmingly
broad public support in Turkey. By resolutely
pursuing its reform course, Turkey has moved
towards the EU as a political community of
shared values at a surprisingly rapid pace and
to an extent that many academics and myself
regarded as almost inconceivable not all that
long ago. Crucial legislative reforms have been
introduced, such as reforms to grant cultural
rights to minorities, reforms to transform
civil society, reforms to broaden freedom of
expression. Turkey has abolished the death
penalty and the state security courts; it has
ratified several key international conventions
such as the UN Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights; only recently a civilian has for the
first time been appointed head of the National
Security Council.
Germany continues to
actively support this process. We have been
highly impressed by the rate of change, yet we
recognize that there is still work to be done.
Changes have to become as visible and
impressive in practice as they are on paper.
However, one has also to bear in mind that
implementation of legislation inevitably takes
time in all countries. We are closely observing
how hard the Turkish Government and the Turkish
Parliament are working to overcome lingering
shortfalls concerning, for example, the rights
of religious minorities, the prevention of
torture and maltreatment, and cultural rights
for ethnic minorities.
Germany is not alone in
thinking the reform measures implemented in the
hope of EU accession have strengthened Turkish
democracy and the rule of law. Above all, there
is more respect for human and minority rights.
Given the close ties between German and Turkish
society, this has a direct impact on Germany.
Democracy, the rule of law and internal
stability are valuable assets in a close
partner and neighbour. We, the European Union
and Turkey, have much to gain from the
continuation of Turkey’s transformation
process. Therefore, the political momentum of
the reform process should not be put at
risk.
Turkey as a Cornerstone of the
EU’s Strategic Dimension
Turkey has been a reliable
security partner for more than 50 years. It has
been a member of NATO since 1952 and is a
founding member of the Council of Europe (1949)
and of the CSCE/OSCE (1975). Needless to say,
Turkey has always been of strategic importance
to Europe’s security due to its geography
and history. Given the end of the Cold War and
the new global threats, its importance is
greater now than it was in past decades.
Turkey’s role and our perception of it
need to be redefined. Turkey no longer lies on
the periphery in strategic terms, rather at an
intersection. It is located at the crossroads
between three crisis-prone regions: the
Balkans, the southern Caucasus and the Middle
East and at the crossroads of important energy,
transportation and communication
networks.
Since the attacks of 11
September 2001, it has become obvious for all
of us that security in the 21st century can no
longer be defined using the traditional
categories of the 20th century. A new
totalitarianism, a terrorism which professes to
be religiously motivated, poses a threat to
peace and stability, at both regional and
global level. This new threat is comprehensive.
It is no longer a question of opposing systems.
Rather, we face an even greater danger: its aim
is a religious and cultural clash of
civilizations between the Islamic Arab world
and the West. Our response must be equally
comprehensive. Our security depends on the
globalization of fundamental values, such as
human rights, respect for life, religious and
cultural tolerance, the equality of all human
beings, of men and women, the rule of law and
democracy and a share of the blessings of
education, progress and social
security.
Given this paradigm shift
after 11 September, the historic project of
creating a new European order has to my mind
three dimensions: a historical dimension, a
pragmatic dimension and finally a strategic
dimension. This is the context in which we see
the question of Turkey’s possible
accession to the EU. The reasons for
Germany’s strong backing for Turkey’s
pre-accession process are not least of a global
strategic nature.
We believe that a Turkey
that is engaging in a process of renewal and
meeting European standards is vital for the
EU’s common foreign and security policy.
If the modernization process in Turkey is
successful, Turkey’s much-cited function
as a bridge towards the Central Asian states
and to the Middle East could become a reality.
As a functioning democracy in a predominantly
Muslim society, it could inspire neighbouring
countries and thus increase the prospect of
democratic reforms being implemented there.
This would be the best response to the new
challenges we are facing. Moreover, the
accession of Turkey would demonstrate that the
EU sees itself as a union of democratic
commitment and shared values and not as an
exclusive club of a single religion. Europe is
a power in the making. We as Europeans have to
act as a unified continent with all its
diversity of cultural backgrounds and common
history. This should include Turkey.
Turkey as a Key Economic
Partner
Turkey’s integration
into the EU is also in the EU’s and
especially in Germany’s economic interest.
Germany is Turkey’s most important trading
partner by far and has been for many years now.
One third of Turkish foreign trade is received
by Germany. Some 13,3 percent of Turkish
imports are delivered by German companies to
the tune of EUR 8,85 billion. Since 1980,
German investment in Turkey has totalled more
than EUR 3,5 billion. German companies are
currently involved in almost 1,200 joint
ventures in Turkey. The reasons behind the high
level of activity of German companies in Turkey
include, in addition to the large domestic
market, Turkey’s function as a gateway to
countries in the Caucasus, Central Asia and the
entire Middle East region. German industry and
unions are therefore in favour of Turkey’s
accession to the EU.
Over the last two years
Turkey has experienced an economic recovery.
Once accession negotiations are launched, its
economy will thrive even more. Foreign direct
investment will improve because of the
necessary implementation of EU standards and
the further consolidation of Turkey’s
political and economic stability.
Conclusion
Forging closer ties between
the EU and Turkey has been a constant feature
of Germany’s foreign policy. Turkey’s
promising internal development and the
EU’s credibility, security and prosperity
are powerful arguments in favour of embracing
Turkey. The European Council will decide at the
end of the year whether accession negotiations
should be opened with Turkey. If so, the
process of forming closer ties with the EU,
which has already provided the modernization
process in Turkey with considerable impetus,
would be even further intensified.
Turkish membership could one day offer
tremendous opportunities. The EU will benefit
as it will have an opportunity to better
integrate other cultures, it will gain in
external stability, it will have a bridge to
the countries of the Middle East. I am
convinced that Turkey as a politically stable
and modern democracy will be a valuable asset
for the European Union. Thus Turkey’s
fulfilment of the reform goals should be met by
the fulfilment of the EU’s pledges.
This article was originally published in
the
Turkish Policy Quarterly
.